Bartolozzi "shielded" by Nordio: "The choices were mine." Colle's dream, the arguments, the puzzle of extended immunity

Rome. She's wasted as a cabinet chief. Why can only Nordio avail himself of her? The Meloni government, which wants to protect Giusi Bartolozzi (and it does), should promote her to head the "I Do Everything" agency or to the technical structure of the National Recovery and Resilience Plan (PNRR). She calls the minister "forty times a day," co-writes Nordio's press releases, like this latest one: "I consider it childish to suggest that my cabinet chief acted independently," and "I reiterate that all, absolutely all, of his actions were in compliance with my orders. I assume political and legal responsibility." They still hear Bartolozzi say: "Minister, I will take you to the President's office, and if you want, I will be the secretary general." In the meantime, he has turned the President, the President's cooks, and the President's gardeners against him. A complete overtaking.

They met in 2018, thanks to Corriere della Sera, thanks to a critical article by Gian Antonio Stella about Bartolozzi's partner, Gaetano Armao, and have been inseparable ever since. If it weren't for the Code and the Almasri case, it would be a story for Anatole France. Bartolozzi sees in Nordio the Nordio editorialist, the last of the guarantors, the only one who can understand his case. He seeks him out through the Einaudi Foundation, writes to him. He, Nordio, who loves controversy, which is the bread and butter of intelligence, responds to that need. She. He takes the first train to Treviso. He. He discovers that with a woman like him, the judiciary can be uplifted or brought down. We're at the precipice stage. And not just because of the overflowing judges. Meloni appoints him Minister of Justice, and Bartolozzi, the next day, shows up at the ministry at nine in the morning to escort Marta Cartabia's former chief of staff to the parking lot. Just to point out what's new and who's in charge.

Alberto Rizzo, Nordio's chief of staff, is being appointed—a very unfortunate man who should be compensated for physical damage (some have seen him in the mountains, like Thomas Mann's patients), and Bartolozzi is supposed to be his deputy. But a Bartolozzi is no Rizzo. And Rizzo, unfortunately, isn't even a quarter of Bartolozzi. What does Bartolozzi do? The appointment decree is being tailored, the first time in the history of the Republic that the deputy has more weight than the chief, just as it would be (?) the first time the much-talked-about "shield" that is supposed to protect her has been granted. The question being asked by ministry officials, and not just Justice, is this: "If Bartolozzi is shielded, why shouldn't we be shielded in the future too? It sets a precedent." They're telling the government that no one will "dump Bartolozzi" because the tariffs aren't just Trump's and because, if you'll pardon me, someone like that—Nordio is right—"is brilliant. She does everything." Angelo Bonelli writes to Nordio and requests access to the documents in the Cospito case. He wants the documents that Delmastro has obtained, and reminds Bonelli: "I see Giusi Bartolozzi's letter arriving, signed by her." But who gave the documents to Delmastro? For weeks, the undersecretary of the Brothers of Italy, already licking his lips reading them, asks Rizzo for them, who hesitates until Bartolozzi picks up the phone (it's his elder wand, like in Harry Potter) and orders: "Send them, now! Immediately." Let's stop here. It's better.

When the unfortunate Rizzo tells the minister that he's either resigning or fainting, Nordio, understanding, goes to Mantovano to break the news and tells him he'd be delighted to appoint Bartolozzi, who's "very good, she does everything herself." Mantovano, a lovable apostle of peace, is said to suggest, always amiably, that perhaps Luigi Birritteri of the DAG could be promoted, but of course it's just an idea, amiably. Bartolozzi hears about it and "she does everything herself." Better to keep Rizzo, blow Birritteri up, and then: Rizzo and Birritteri out. Needless to say who's left. That's how it will end. During those months, this other unfortunate Birritteri responds to the remarks of the President of the Council, of the Secretary General Ugo Zampetti, who calls (and calls) at every scrawl, scrawl accentuated by Bartolozzi's energy, because "Minister, we have to show who we are." The President of the Council shows it too.

Bartolozzi takes care of everything, including Almasri. She sends a barrage of emails, obviously reminders, to an entire ministry, and oversees routine administration (she even does the shopping; we saw her under the newspaper). That unfortunate day with Almasri could involve the head of the legislature, but Bartolozzi "is very good, she does everything herself." What's the point? The minister's agenda? Who keeps it? Her. Cesare Parodi of the National Magistrates' Association (ANM) turns up the hill on Radio Anch'io, predicting a possible trial with consequences. How should we react? A statement from Nordio is needed, preparing Bartolozzi because even in the wilderness, Bartolozzi "does everything herself." Maybe she's on vacation. Oh no, the judiciary has nothing to do with this, nor any plan of its own. Bartolozzi really did everything herself. Here, there's only one cabinet chief who, beyond the Almasri case, has thought of governing a ministry with the exclamation point "now!", "immediately!", "enough!", to turn it into his own backyard. At the start of the Meloni government, all of Italy, including the left, applauded the appointment of Nordio, this jurist with the enchanted pen, appreciating his humor and smile. But today? Bartolozzi will be protected, but who will protect Nordio from those who already call him "Minister Bartolozzi's cabinet chief"? Even good can sometimes suffocate. Why let him be mistreated? Bartolozzi's hyper-productivity should be rewarded with a much higher position, and Nordio should return to his classics, reforms, and aperitivo. Now that would be justice.

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